The New American Accord

A country that earns its best future.

A country rich enough to raise its children well and keep its adults covered — and disciplined enough to pay for it.

The structural problem

Too much depends on holding a job

Whether an American family thrives turns on things it mostly does not control: whether an employer offers coverage, what parents earn during a child’s first years, what was inherited, and whether housing, childcare and care exist nearby at a payable price.

Each piece was added for a reason and left in place while the economy moved underneath it — deferred maintenance, and repairable as such.

Underneath sits a widening mismatch. The public accounts still rest on wages while value accrues to capital, ownership and land, so a country funding itself by taxing work has tied both its revenue and its citizens’ security to the input technology is most likely to displace.

The governing idea

Settle the floor, invest for return, collect where value lands

Programs must earn their keep; people never have to earn their floor.

The Accord spends where collective action expands capability or fixes scarcity, and leaves ordinary choice private above that floor.

Establish the floor
Medical care, a child allowance and a retirement floor — written in statute, following the person rather than the employer.
Invest in children first
The evidence and the money both concentrate before kindergarten. A lifetime training account sits alongside it, deliberately modest.
Build what is short, repair what was deferred
Where supply is short, subsidizing demand raises the price: build housing, price the land. And clear a century of deferred maintenance — common civil first, then the grid against a Black-Sky event, then the lead pipes and forever chemicals still in the ground.
Tax value where it lands, and harm where it is caused
Wages carry less. Capital, ownership and inherited wealth carry more — and so does harm, priced at the source: carbon, methane, aquifer depletion.
Design for durability
A statutory governor holds the debt path in both directions. A ring-fenced trust builds what has to withstand a changed climate — a different job from repairing the backlog, on a longer clock.
What changes

From inside a household

Changing jobs no longer puts medical care at risk. A child’s early development depends less on what their parents happened to be earning. Retraining capacity exists before displacement rather than after, and caring for a parent or stepping out of paid work does not sever access to core systems.

What that adds up to is range — including relocation and starting a firm, which stop being reserved to households with savings enough to absorb a mistake.

The modern test

A design that holds if work becomes less necessary

That mismatch is why the Accord needs no forecast about artificial intelligence. Capabilities attach to the person, so they do not vanish when a job does; the revenue base already reaches consumption, corporate income, capital, wealth at transfer, land and priced harm, so it follows value wherever value moves.

A system that distributes security through employment has to be rebuilt if employment contracts. This one does not.

The perimeter

Where it stops

The floor covers capabilities, not open-ended public provision. A large sphere of private choice sits above it, priced separately.

Included
Not included
A medical floor that follows the person
Cosmetic and elective work, bought separately
Reliable childcare access, birth to five
A federal takeover of schools
A training account accruing from birth
Universal tuition regardless of what a course returns
Skilled nursing, home health and hospice
Prolonged custodial care as a federal entitlement
Housing supply reform, land pricing, infrastructure
Federal homebuilding, and subsidies that raise prices
Benefits that arrive automatically, no forms
Asset tests, recertification, caseworker gatekeeping

Each boundary is recorded with its reasoning, and with the evidence that would reopen it, in the policy perimeter registry.

Durability

Whether it holds

Federal debt held by the public — under a model run on corrected baselines, with the commitments costed — declines substantially under the corrected central projection. Long-run retirement timing remains under review pending bottom-up healthcare calibration.

Paying the debt down is a durability result, not the purpose. Solvency is what stops a later Congress withdrawing the floor under pressure.

The statute requires retirement no later than Year 50. The rule is scored against federal debt held by the public; intragovernmental Treasury holdings are not part of this solvency measure. A specific retirement year is not published until that verification completes — see the
Three things stay openly unsettled. The healthcare cost estimate is provisional: bottom-up work puts mature national health spending around 16% of GDP against the 15.5% the model carries, with hospital pricing and utilization doing most of the work; new care capacity where none exists is tested against existing budgets, not costed separately; and the Climate Trust path is a provisional placeholder, not derived from the carbon fee. All three sit in the methodology; the full budget shows what existing spending it replaces.
Enactment

It does not all start on the same day

Administrative rails come first, revenue and benefits phase in waves, medical care and infrastructure roll out only as fast as clinicians and buildings appear, and the democratic reforms travel their own statutory path.

A richer country should give its people more room to choose how to live.

Explore the architectureRead the Blueprint